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excellent of showing understanding for E-commerce student
Excellent General Security Information for Managers!
Awesome book

A good book to read on Jewish ethics
Beautifully written, wonderfully researched, a MUST READ!
One of the Best modern Jewish books out there

Early Land is not bad.
Another great thriller from Jon Land"Labyrinth" is like his other thrillers in that a hero fights against unbelievable odds to save the world. In this novel, a college professor is enlisted to get to the bottom of the plans of an organization known as The Committee. A friend of the professor's is killed observing actions on the part of The Committee and due to a past debt, he agrees to avenge his friend's murder.
A town is Columbia is burned to the ground to hide the plans of The Committee. The hero, Christopher Locke, visits various exotic locales including Lichtenstein, Geneva, and London in his trek to determine the scheme of The Committee. Friends are killed or turn on him, and enemies try to kill him or become his friends. Before he knows it, Locke is in too deep to get out and must stop The Committee to not only save his family, but also to prevent the downfall of the world's economies.
If you like non-stop action thrillers, Jon Land thrillers would be your cup of tea. If you want more in-depth, longer thrillers, try Robert Ludlum or Tom Clancy. All of Land's titles are quick, fun reads that make you wonder why he has never achieved the success or notariety of the major players in the realm of espionage fiction.
Robert Ludlum without the Excess.

THE PRIVILEGES OF BEAUTY
The Privileges of Beauty
DIFFERENT WITH A SURPRISE ENDING

Use with caution
An excellent overview of concentration camp life
Translation and Oral History at its Very BestAnd Thomas Whissen, the translator, has performed an admirable and selfless job. He has rendered this story in a language that is so clear, so transparent, that one forgets that one is reading words on a page. The book leaves one feeling bruised and battered, and not quite willing to go back into a world of comforts. It leaves one deeply suspicious of humanity. And this perhaps is a good thing.
Incidentally, it is difficult to imagine a book better suited for university courses on the holocaust.
Carmine Di Biase, Ph.D. (cdibiase@jsucc.jsu.edu)


Greatest Testament
An intimate glimpse into the mind and times of Delacroix
how one great artist thelt and fought (sic)I read this wonderful book over ten years ago and so powerful was the impact of Delacroix's insights into the nature, perception, creational origin, and fate of art that much of it still remain with me. Delacroix in his day was not revered as he is today. He did not have people knocking down his doors to see his work, nor did he always have it easy trying to show it publicly. One day, after a bad review, to console himself, he wrote that (I paraphase) a great work of art in history is like a plank of wood held under water -- it is kept down when the powers-that-be hold it down. But that power ('political agenda' in contempo art-babble) does not last forever and must sooner or later let go of the plank whose nature is to float to the surface for all the world to see. He seem to have had the same intuition about the nature and fuction of art as the Greeks did: that art is light, that which shines of its own, and by which power that which 'sheds lights' and 'explains' what is around it rather than something that needs to be explained.
He never married but was looked after by a doting housekeeper. Not exactly a recluse, but most certainly a man of breeding descended of a noble stock who was careful about the company he kept, Delacroix spent much time, as artists and thinkers do, with his own thoughts and feelings, and expressing them. He was famous for his cordiality and urbanity, and among his friends in town (Paris) were Chopin, Georges Sand, and other individuals who would leave a mark (or in some cases, a mountain) in the arts one way or another. In other words, Delacroix was an agreeable man and as sociable as any thoughtful man would be but no more. Delacroix's social life is visible in these pages as is the Parisian milieu in which he lived and worked.
But the really great thing about Delacroix's Journals is that one gets to see something about how a great artist sees and feels things. Although he is over a century removed from us, his work and thoughts serve as a reminder that art is not always about anything socially or politically itchy; that art is just art; and that art is not something one needs to get hysterical about or merely a medium to carry an agenda. The fact that, historically, art was always commissioned by the aristocracy, and executed by those who were aristocratic in feeling and sensibility is one that is largely ignored today. Read this and see the significance of this fact, and why the term democratic art is ultimately an ugly oxymoron. Those who would champion the 'demos' sometimes think too highly of art and the need for "the people"'s participation in it.
In my humble opinion, if Delacroix were alive today, I think he would have loved Rauschenberg's and Jean-Michel Basquiat's work and their strong democratic origins but he would detest the democratization of art as such as found in Van Gogh umbrellas and calendars so loved by those who "love" art. He wouldn't go to Mozart Festivals either.


What Happened To Otto KernerLess than two years later, in the still, dark, early morning of May 9, 1976, my father, Otto Kerner - retired U.S. Army major general, former U.S. district attorney for the northern district of Illinois, former Cook County judge, former governor of Illinois, former chairman of the U.S. Commission on Civil Disorders, and former judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals - surrendered his last breath.
The next day, Illinois' poet laureate, Gwendolyn Brooks, penned the opening stanza of a remembrance entitled, Otto Kerner:
He was a man extensive and extending/But we do not love largeness very long/We look with narrowing littleness on largeness.
Brooks' husband, the late poet Henry Blakely, elaborated her insight with these closing lines of his poem, Of Otto Kerner:
and his was the soldier's error/knowing/but not deeply believing/any who followed the flag/could be enemy/And so/he was flanked, taken/and then beheaded/the fate, sometimes, of princes/And I will be remembering/murders/and old kingdoms dead/because of great men killed.
Little has since been written about Otto Kerner, save occasional reference to his chairmanship of the 1968 Commission that produced the so-called "Kerner Report" and his incongruous 1973 federal conviction and imprisonment. Otto Kerner: The Conflict of Intangible Rights, the first biography of him by Chicago Tribune columnist Bill Barnhart and retired Republican Illinois legislator Gene Schlickman is a vital account of a man that Tom Wicker's dust jacket blurb aptly proclaims "an admirably dedicated public servant, later victimized by partisan prosecution."
The Kerner Report's finding that "Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white - separate and unequal" and that "white society is deeply implicated in the ghetto" was a landmark as well as a watershed for America's and Kerner's civil liberty. In January 1969, Richard Nixon - the nation's first critic of the Kerner Report - became president, and his campaign manager, John Mitchell, launched his masquerade as U.S. Department of Justice attorney general. Intangible civil rights of minorities advanced by Kerner were set on a collision course with a specious intangible rights theory invented by Mitchell's prosecutors to denigrate this most respected civil rights advocate. The authors correctly report that, after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the government's theory, surviving defendants were granted reversals, while an otherwise timely appeal to reverse Kerner's conviction was denied because he had died.
But they fail to report the broad pattern of government misconduct that made Kerner a target; not crime. Absent are incontrovertible proofs that Kerner was convicted by witnesses whom the government induced to lie, that the government's keystone bribery count named no briber or quid pro quo, that the government obstructed justice in hiding its campaign to ruin his reputation through prejudicial, pre-trial leaks to the media, and that original IRS notes were destroyed and recreated to frame the perjury allegation he steadfastly denied. Uncritically repeated is the government's cover story that the official investigation was inspired - within a year of Kerner's 1968 U.S. Senate confirmation to the U.S. Court of Appeals - by a tale that he was connected to the Mob. Neglected is the story that government agents on the case commonly joked that their code acronym, CRIMP, stood for Corrupt Republicans Investigating Marje's Pals, "Marje" referring to Marjorie Everett, a key witness suborned by the government to testify in Kerner's trial.
Whatsmore, the authors miss the enormity of the injustice Kerner suffered when they dismiss strong evidence of the political inspiration behind his prosecution. They recount the famous November 1970 meeting where Nixon, Mitchell and cohorts plotted their racist 1972 re-election campaign strategy to split-off southern and northern white voters disgruntled by Democratic national civil rights and integration initiatives of the 1960s and repeat John Mitchell's boast there that Illinois Democrats wouldn't be so powerful after his grand jury got through in Chicago. Admitting that Mitchell's Washington, D.C. Justice Department officials had briefed Chicago prosecutors about Kerner only a month earlier in October 1970, they nevertheless doubt Mitchell's boast pertained to Kerner because no grand jury was then convened, overlooking Mitchell's Kerner grand jury seated in Chicago just a month after the 1970 holidays. To whom else was Mitchell referring, if not Kerner?
Kerner's U.S. Appellate Court opinions in defense of civil liberty and his persistent advocacy of Kerner Report recommendations frustrated, embarrassed and enraged Nixon and Mitchell. He not only blocked their draconian approach to law and order; he criticized their impeding racial progress. In Nixon's Oval Office tapes released October 5, 1999, Mitchell is heard complaining about Kerner just two weeks before he called him in front of the June 1971 Grand Jury: "Now he's out talking about his Kerner Commission Report when he should be keeping his damn mouth shut as a judge."
Long before my father's trial, my sister, Helena, and I sat alone with him at dinner in the Governor's Mansion. "I may not leave you much materially when I'm gone", he said, "but you will have something that will open more doors than all the money in the world: you will have a good name." When his good name was taken, he felt the door to public service shut forever. This book, despite its shortcomings, may prove him wrong about that. It renews hope that his legacy of good works may yet overwhelm the calumny of his enemies, remedy his injuries, exonerate, restore his name and thwart like future injustice. In this light, Otto Kerner: The Conflict of Intangible Rights reveals how we might more fully realize our great capacity for genuine nobility as human beings.
WHAT HAPPENED TO OTTO KERNERThe warden stood to leave our brief family orientation. "I'll give you a moment to say goodbye", he said, stepping to his office door. When it shut my sister and I turned to our father. His soldier's face fell, vanquished and vulnerable; once sky-blue eyes clouded with sadness and bewilderment. As we left the prison, I said to my sister, "I just saw Dad die." She replied quietly, "I know."
Less than two years later, in the still, dark, early morning of May 9, 1976, my father, Otto Kerner - retired U.S. Army major general, former U.S. district attorney for the northern district of Illinois, former Cook County judge, former governor of Illinois, former chairman of the U.S. Commission on Civil Disorders, and former judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals - surrendered his last breath.
The next day, Illinois' poet laureate, Gwendolyn Brooks, penned the opening stanza of a remembrance entitled, Otto Kerner: He was a man extensive and extending. But we do not love largeness very long. We look with narrowing littleness on largeness. Brooks' husband, the late poet Henry Blakely, elaborated her insight with these closing lines of his poem, Of Otto Kerner:
and his was the soldier's error, knowing but not deeply believing any who followed the flag could be enemy.
And so he was flanked, taken, and then beheaded, the fate, sometimes, of princes.
And I will be remembering murders and old kingdoms dead because of great men killed.
Little has since been written about Otto Kerner, save occasional reference to his chairmanship of the 1968 Commission that produced the so-called "Kerner Report" and his incongruous 1973 federal conviction and imprisonment. Otto Kerner: The Conflict of Intangible Rights, the first biography of him by Chicago Tribune columnist Bill Barnhart and retired Republican Illinois legislator Gene Schlickman, fills a great void. It is a vital account of a man that Tom Wicker's dust jacket blurb aptly proclaims "an admirably dedicated public servant, later victimized by partisan prosecution."
The Kerner Report's finding that "Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white - separate and unequal" and that "white society is deeply implicated in the ghetto" is a landmark. And its insufficiently heeded calling "to make good the promises of American democracy to all citizens - urban and rural, white and black, Spanish-surname, American Indian, and every minority group" still resonates today.
The new biography digs deeply into the wellspring that fed Kerner's work on the Commission and his forty-year career in public service. The story of his Czech forebears' passion for civil liberty and his parents' struggle that took his father from unskilled laborer to attorney general of Illinois and judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals is authoritatively drawn from unpublished private - as well as public - documents. And fresh materials enrich the portrayal of his boyhood, his education, and his early dual careers in the military and the law.
Regrettably, a dark caricature reveals none of the joy in his thirty-nine year marriage with the youngest daughter of Anton Cermak, the Chicago mayor killed by an assassin's bullet intended for President-elect Franklin Roosevelt in 1933. But accounts of his prosecutorial, judicial, and gubernatorial years and his work on the Civil Disorders Commission are valuable. His 1958 judicial struggle with the Catholic Church over adoption reform and his gubernatorial initiatives in mental health, statewide open housing, and economic development are warmly celebrated. And research into his work on the Commission is enlightening, especially the unearthing of a Commission background document entitled, The Harvest of American Racism, likening 1967's urban black activists to colonial revolutionaries.
While the collective effect of these vignettes is somewhat impressionistic, what is missing is mostly implied in the whole. For example, readers may well wonder how Kerner achieved consensus from rival Illinois legislators and contentious Commission members. Nowhere detailed was his capacity to sublimate tactics, strategy and ego to substantive objectives. His quietly efficacious leadership modeled a respected alternative to the politics of noisy confrontation and blatant self-promotion that sold newspapers, but accomplished little.
The book might also have done well to delve into Kerner's view of class in America as it informed his public life. It was a view reinforced by the career of Anton Cermak, benefactor of Kerner's father and creator of the pan-ethnic, labor-based, anti-Prohibition, Cook County Democratic Party that heralded Franklin Roosevelt's 1932 presidential election sweep. Growing up in a neighborhood of laborers, Kerner appreciated the role of the corner tavern. As a child, he carried buckets of beer on a pole over his shoulder to workmen for small change. He and his neighbors ate for free in the beer garden where adults drank and socialized in the Old World custom before radio, television, and movies. And he recalled that the tavern's only neighborhood safe was where laborers put their wages at day's end and that the tavern was where they went to borrow for their first home rather than face formidable lenders downtown. What Kerner understood - and what Cermak capitalized on politically - was that threadbare, ethnic laborers felt disenfranchised by Prohibition in ways never grasped by well-clad, white-collar managers who could afford expensive, illegal Canadian liquor and who felt at home in the city's imposing, marbled halls of commerce. Prohibition sensitized Kerner to the deep-seated political, economic and social misunderstandings between the haves and the have-nots and anchored his belief that we must try harder to do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
The Kerner Report was as much a watershed for America's civil liberty as it was for Kerner's. In January 1969, Richard Nixon - the nation's first critic of the Kerner Report - was sworn in as president, and his campaign manager, John Mitchell, launched his masquerade as attorney general in charge of the U.S. Department of Justice. The intangible civil rights of minorities advanced by Kerner were set on a collision course with a specious theory of intangible rights invented by Mitchell's prosecutors to allege Kerner failed to give citizens of Illinois "good and faithful services" as governor. With his conviction, Nixon and Mitchell managed to destroy one of America's most respected civil rights advocates. In a disturbing and poignant account, the authors accurately report that, when the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the Justice Department's overreaching theory eleven years after Kerner died, surviving defendants were granted reversals, while an otherwise timely appeal to reverse Kerner's conviction was denied because he was dead.
But the book fails to relate this injustice to the broad pattern of misconduct by Kerner's prosecutors who made him their target; not crime. Absent are incontrovertible proofs of his assertion that he was convicted by witnesses whom the government induced to lie. Missing is revelation that the government's keystone bribery count named no briber or quid pro quo. Omitted is the government's obstruction of justice in hiding its campaign to ruin his reputation through prejudicial, pre-trial leaks to the press of confidential grand jury proceedings and IRS information. Ignored is the government's admission that original IRS notes were destroyed and recreated to frame the perjury allegation he steadfastly denied. Uncritically repeated is the government's cover story that their investigation was inspired - within a year of Kerner's 1968 U.S. Senate confirmation to the U.S. Court of Appeals - by a faded moll's yarn that he was connected to the Mob. Neglected is the story that government agents on the case commonly joked that their code acronym, CRIMP, stood for Corrupt Republicans Investigating Marje's Pals, "Marje" referring to Marjorie Everett, a key witness suborned by the government to testify in Kerner's trial.
And the authors fail to recognize the enormity of the injustice Kerner suffered when they dismiss strong evidence of the political inspiration behind his prosecution. They recount the famous November 1970 meeting where Nixon, Mitchell and cohorts plotted their racist 1972 re-election campaign strategy to split-off southern and northern white Democratic voters disgruntled by their party's national civil rights and integration initiatives of the 1960s. They also repeat John Mitchell's boast that Illinois Democrats wouldn't be so powerful after his grand jury got through in Chicago when that meeting turned to winning Illinois. They even admit that Mitchell's Justice Department officials had briefed Chicago prosecutors about Kerner only a month earlier in October 1970.
Kerner: The Conflict O Intangible RightsThe research that they did was real yeomanship delving into the relationships and background of Kerner through their interviews (seven pages of Appendixes), references (twenty five pages of Notes) and a Bibliography of fifteen pages referencing Articles, Books, Dissertations and Oral Histories.
The Index reads like a WHO's WHO from Illinois to Washington, DC. As a former resident of Lake and Cook County from 1950 -1973 a great many of the names have many memories attached to them.
The book provided a new insight for me into Otto Kerner, the person as well as the politician and finally as a fallen hero. Hopefully, through the effort and dedication that was put into producing this book, it will provide generations to come a better understanding of Otto Kerner as an Illinois' icon.
Because of Schlickman's service to the people of Illinois in serving in the Illinois House for sixteen years and his experience in Illinois government and politics this book presents a clear and unbiased knowledge of the greater events in Otto Kerner's life.
I want to thank the authors for providing the opportunity for me to have a much better understanding of Otto Kerner- the man.


A follow-up to The Parrot's LamentBecause Linden describes, albeit briefly, some of the examples described in his earlier book, I felt this one to be a little thinner in terms of content. Yes, he elaborates and supplies new details, but still, I felt somewhat cheated at times. Some paragraphs feel like filler as he states, and re-states, the obvious.
Despite the above flaws, this is a worthwhile read for animal lovers and those interested in popular science. The writing is simple and straightforward, an easy read all in all. It makes a good companion book to Linden's previous work on animal intelligence.
Not So Simple Minds
The Octopus and the OrangutanThis book is the second book of two about this topic as the author has written "The Parrot's Lament. "The Octopus and the Orangutan looks for intelligence in animals, as we know animals exhibit intelligence in varing degrees, so the author describes stealth, deception, and friendship. But, that is not all, they exhibit intelligence in bargining and negotiations not only with their handlers, but among themselves.
Yes, animal intelligence is not on par with man's, but if you realize that an animal has intelligence you can begin to find out at what level the animal "understands." Then when you understand the animal you begin to set up a rudimentary communication. This book has examples of observed astonishing new animal behavior previously thought to be exclusively human.
The is a story about a remarkable Octopus and a colony of Orangutans and the observed behaviors that are quite remarkable, and of course, there are other stories throughout the book. If you like a book that really makes the most of observation, and combine it with animals. You'll have a book that warms you heart. A story about Mozart and his bird... a Starling that loved his melodies.
Now, that story I can relate to, as I have two Cockatiel's and when I play a Mozart CD the birds sing the music right along with the CD. Their favor Mozart is "Eine kleine Nachtmusik" as they sing it right after they are fed. I found this book to be a wonderful study of animal behavior through human observation, which gives the reader a good look into what is intelligence in animals.
An excellent read with a well balanced narritive.


Excellent resource. Watch the formulas !
A Pressure Vessel Design "cookbook"
This book is a must for Mech. Eng.

The last word in documenting slave cultureOne of his most striking observations that I can still rember reading even after five years is his concept of paternalism and how masters and slaves viewed the concept differently.
Masters felt it was their duty to take care of their "children" the slaves by providing food and certain privilages, like whisky on Christmas and New Years. In return, masters expected obedience, but even more crucually, love in return. Slaves on the other hand saw those "privilages" as rights and would act up if certain privilages were taken away. When emancipation came, Genovese argues, that masters were really quite emotionally hurt when their slaves decided to run away--the masters came to see themselves as the only way that their "children" could survive. The hurt was even more acute when the slaves joined up with the union army to attack the very plantations and masters that took care of them. One can easily see how this feeling of ungratefulness could lead to cruelty and violence in the south following the civil war.
When I was in college a few years back, this book was seen by my professors as _the_ final word on the subject of 19th century slave culture
Thorough account of Slavery in America
milestone cultural history book--a fascinating discussion !!